By Roger Stone
Speaker Paul Ryan said he was not ready to support presumptive nominee Donald J. Trump. Presumably, he is going to see if he can beat Donald Trump at the “Art of the Deal.”
But, Ryan, whose views on both trade and immigration are antithetical to Trump’s, is running a bluff with the king of the deal. In fact the Speaker has extortion on his mind.
Ryan is posturing to get Donald to agree to key terms relating to the congressional committees, congressional candidates and more importantly the RNC. Ryan will endorse Donald, but Donald has to agree that his campaign team will not be influencing these committees and will give the RNC, under Reince, autonomy (obviously this means control of the money and spending). The committees and the RNC will coordinate with his campaign, but they won’t be taking their orders from Trump campaign, they will all just work together.
Because Republican National Chairman Reince Priebus was also Chairman in 2012 during Mitt Romney’s horrific campaign and later helped Governor Scott Walker, he is actually a Ryan man by political lineage. Together they salivated over the millions that the Republican National Committee would spend with favored vendors in their circle … until Donald Trump came along. They know even the doomed Barry Goldwater took control of the National Committee. They are seeking to keep control.
Ryan will argue Trump is taking positions that are very different from Republican traditional approaches, and he has to agree and understand RNC and congressional candidates may disagree with him on key issues, and in some swing districts some candidates may actually have to oppose him, and he will understand that and not criticize them (there may be some discussion that the convention platform and the party platform will be different than some of Trump’s own positions).
Reince stuck Romney with a $9 million debt pay-off before he agreed to give Romney his share of party cash in 2012. He has a $1 million debt in a bank loan. Reince uses some legal book-keeping tricks to make RNC fundraising more successful than it is like combining compliance and recount monies in generally available funds even though they aren’t. Reince wants to keep control rather than have a baby-sitter from the Trump camp.
Even worse Ryan and Reince want the party to use the Data Vault owned in part by Karl Rove for targeting and analytics. Many say the data is dirty and may be Orca 2.0, the update of the system that crashed on Election Day 2012 on Mitt Romney after spending millions on it. The RNC’s own data bank is suspect according to professionals who have been forced to use it.
Reince and Ryan are outmatched to say the least. Trump won’t be blackmailed. He goes into the meeting Thursday with veteran GOP operative Rick Wiley knowing the inside out of the party’s financial output. Trump is the toughest guy I’ve ever met, and I’ve known some killers. His movement is bigger than the Republican Party and he knows it. Media focus on lack of party unity while Trump has proven appeal the millions of new voters is journalistic malpractice. Trump will push Ryan out of the chairmanship of the convention. He will always go his way.
There is also a Trump national fast track strategy underway to empower state party leaders with the levers to shunt aside the grassroots Trump people who supported Trump and run the Trump campaign in the states.
Karl Rove has control and loyalty of many of these officials. This would be a grave error for Trump.
By Roger Stone
As Donald Trump prepares for an epic battle with “First Enabler” Hillary Clinton, the media is too focused on party unity and are oblivious to the fact that denunciation of Trump by failed elites like the Bush’s as well as the prevarications of Paul Ryan only fuel his rise, as did the opposition of Mexico’s ex-president, the Chinese Communists, the Pope, David Cameron, the Saudis, and Mitt Romney. The political class is discredited with voters hungry for change.
What they are missing are the millions of new voters and donors Trump has brought to the party, with the GOP contest drawing two million more voters than the rather boring Hillary v. Bernie bout. It is important to note that in 2012, a change in just 700,000 votes in five states would have changed the outcome of the election.
Analytics show there are 1 million unregistered Trump supporters. In Colorado, Iowa, Florida, Michigan, Nevada, New Jersey, Ohio, Virginia, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania, Trump will have the resources to sign them up. This is where elections are won.
All successful Republican presidents — Lincoln, Teddy Roosevelt, Eisenhower, Nixon, and Reagan — remade the party in their image. Trump is snatching the party back from Wall Street and the special interests. His is street populism, far right on some issues but far left on others. Not a pure conservative by any means, he is the best choice for conservatives on the big four issues – the economy, terrorism, trade, and immigration. Those who worry about his views on eminent domain must realize that there will be no private property rights if we are incinerated by Islamic radicals.
I met Trump and we became friends when he supported Ronald Reagan. I recognized that Donald, as he told me to call him in 1979, had the charisma, courage, and toughness to be a strong contender and a transformative president as early as 1988 when we went to the Portsmouth, NH Chamber of Commerce for a speech in his big black helicopter. Donald staked out tough policies on trade, China, and NATO even then.
I was the Chairman of his Exploratory Committee when he looked at the Reform party nomination in 2000 when we were both unimpressed with Bush and Gore. I wanted him to run in 2012 because I knew Mitt Romney was a choker. 2016 is, however, his time. His rise is a repudiation of the polices of Bush-Clinton-Bush-Obama that have infected both parties for 30 years. Their fiscal, trade, immigration, and foreign policies have been in decline.
The rise of Trump is historic and the situation unprecedented. Little did I know that Trump would change the game and make us rethink everything we know about politics. Trump mounted the summit without aid of polling, focus groups, a policy shop, analytics, targeting, or speech writers, yet he attracted over 10 million votes, more than any GOP contender in history.
Trump is an unabashed nationalist who wants America to be richer, more successful, and, well, smarter. The rise of Trump is a repudiation of the two party duopoly that has driven our country into a ditch. More than ever, voters know the essentially unchanged policies of Bush-Clinton-Bush-Obama have failed. Trump is no neocon, and unlike Hillary wasn’t a cheerleader for the Iraq war. Voter anger with our decline and the destruction of jobs and economic opportunity while pursuing an expensive interventionist but incoherent foreign policy has fueled Trump’s rise.
The party need to recognize the millions of new people Trump has brought to the Republican process, far more than anemic turnout in the lingering Democratic contest. This will more than offset those bailing out on Trump like the departing Bush’s — 41, 43, and Jeb — who feel Trump rustled the horse that was theirs. In fact, rejection by the Bush’s gains Trump votes. George W. Bush and his cronies made millions on their policies while we squandered blood and treasure abroad and bailed out Wall Street swindlers while the economy crashed.
To win, Trump will have to deconstruct Hillary in his own inimitable way, without regard to political correctness. Threatening Bill’s alleged sexual assault victims and ex-girlfriends, the Iraq War, the nexus of corruption between the Clinton State Department and the Clinton Foundation, in which the latter became the vehicle for the facilitation of multi- million dollar bribes are all key vulnerabilities. In fact, the Clintons’ voracious greed for money and their willingness to do anything for it and their hypocrisy will be their downfall.
Trump is a fearless brawler who will go Hillary Clinton anywhere. Refusing to answer him sounds like a strategy that did not work out too well for Mike Dukakis.
Inside look at Roger Stone’s Nixon Museum, where Stone explains how Trump can be become President.
By Jeffrey Toobin
Bad Old Days
Roger Stone, the political provocateur, visited the bar at the Four Seasons Hotel on primary
day last week to reminisce about his long friendship with Donald Trump
It started in 1979, when Stone was a twenty-six-year-old aide in Ronald Reagan’s Presidential campaign. Michael Deaver, a more senior campaign official, instructed Stone to start fund-raising in New York. “Mike gave me a recipe box full of index cards, supposedly Reagan’s contacts in New York,” Stone said. “Half the people on the cards were dead. A lot of the others were show-business people, but there was one name I recognized—Roy Cohn.” So Stone presented himself at the brownstone office of Cohn, the notorious lawyer and fixer.
“I go into Roy’s office,” Stone continued, “and he’s sitting there in his silk bathrobe, and he’s finishing up a meeting with Fat Tony Salerno,” the boss of the Genovese crime family. Stone went on, “So Tony says, ‘Roy here says we’re going with Ree-gun this time.’ That’s how he said it—‘Ree-gun.’ Roy told him yes, we’re with Reagan. Then I said to Roy that we needed to put together a finance committee, and Roy said, ‘You need Donald and Fred Trump.’ He said Fred, Donald’s father, had been big for Goldwater in ’64. I went to see Donald, and he helped to get us office space for the Reagan campaign, and that’s when we became friends.”
Stone is now sixty-two, and he’s allowed his hair, which used to be a kind of yellow, to evolve into a shade more suitable for an éminence grise than for an enfant terrible. He has played roles in many of his generation’s political dirty-tricks scandals. He was just nineteen when he had a bit part in Watergate; he sent campaign contributions in the name of the Young Socialist Alliance to the campaign of Pete McCloskey, who was running against Richard Nixon for the Republican nomination in 1972. Almost three decades later, he helped choreograph the so-called Brooks Brothers riot, which shut down the Bush v. Gore recount in Miami-Dade County.
Over the years, too, Stone shepherded Trump’s political ambitions through several near-runs for the Presidency. “In 1988, I arranged for him to speak to the Portsmouth, New Hampshire, Chamber of Commerce—that was his first political trip,” Stone said. “There was lots of speculative publicity. He liked the attention. He liked the buzz. He’s the greatest promoter of all time.” In 2000, Trump came closer to a real bid. Because Ross Perot had run in the previous two elections as the candidate of the Reform Party, there was a chance that Trump could have received federal funding on that party line. “He was looking at the prospect of running on O.P.M.—other people’s money,” Stone said. “He loved that.” But Trump backed away.
Now that Trump is actually running for President, Stone has been largely sidelined. (He currently has no official campaign role.) Stone says that he speaks to the candidate “now and then.” In any event, he said, Trump has little use for political advisers. “He listens to no one,” Stone noted. “On his own, he conceptualized a campaign model that rejects all the things you do in politics—no polling, no opposition research, no issue shop, no analytics, no targeting, no paid advertising to speak of.” He went on, “He had this vision of an all-communication-based strategy of rallies, debates, and as many interviews as he can smash into a day. The campaign exists to support the logistics of the tour.” Stone does maintain a small super PAC that he said will help corral delegates for Trump. “How many of the delegates will want to play golf at a Trump resort?” Stone said. “How many will want to have dinner at Mar-a-Lago? How many will want to go to a cocktail party at his apartment in Trump Tower, with its extraordinary view of Manhattan?” (Trump said he has no plans to court delegates in this way.)
There’s a wistfulness about Stone these days. He judges politics on aesthetic grounds as much as on issues. “On ‘The Apprentice,’ Trump was always perfectly dressed, perfectly lit, perfectly made up,” he said. “That helped him enormously in establishing a Presidential brand.” The same goes for Stone himself, who was wearing a double-breasted nailhead suit made for him by a Mr. Cheo. “He trained on Savile Row with Anderson & Sheppard, who are the best suitmakers in the world,” Stone said. He handles fewer campaigns than he used to, and channels his aggression more into his books than toward political opponents. His latest volume in that vein is called “The Clintons’ War on Women.” Stone instructed a waiter to bring him a “Ketel One Martini up, with a couple of olives, very dry.” (His favorite Martini recipe came from Richard Nixon, who got it from Winston Churchill.) But Stone sent the drink back, saying, “I’ve lost my taste for it.” ♦
Read the original story on: http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/05/02/the-political-provocateur-roger-stone-talks-trump